Tag Archives: somali-identity

The Mirror and the Myth: Somali Identity, Colorism, and the Question of Blackness

Somali identity sits at the crossroads of Africa, the Middle East, and the Indian Ocean world, shaped by centuries of migration, trade, and cultural blending. Because of this complex history, conversations about how some Somalis perceive Black people—and even how they perceive themselves—carry emotional, historical, and sociological weight. While it is inaccurate to claim that all Somalis dislike Black people, anti-Black attitudes indeed exist in parts of Somali society, much like in many cultures around the world influenced by colonialism and colorism.

The foundational issue is identity. Many Somalis see themselves not simply as “Black Africans,” but as Cushitic people, a linguistic and cultural group indigenous to the Horn of Africa. This Cushitic identity predates modern racial categories and often separates Somalis from other African ethnic groups in their own cultural memory. For some, this difference becomes a way to claim uniqueness rather than sameness.

Another layer is the historical Arabian connection. For over a thousand years, the Horn of Africa was tied to the Arabian Peninsula through trade, religion, and intermarriage. Somali clans trace parts of their lineage to Arab traders and Islamic scholars, especially after the spread of Islam in the 7th century. While genetic studies show that Somalis are overwhelmingly East African, the presence of some Arabian ancestry became culturally emphasized over time.

This emphasis contributed to a racial hierarchy that elevated proximity to Arab identity. Arab societies historically developed their own colorist and caste-like distinctions, and these ideas traveled back across the Red Sea. Within this framework, darker-skinned Africans were placed at the bottom, while “Arab-adjacent” identities were seen as more respectable. These beliefs influenced Somali beauty standards and self-perception.

Another contributing factor is colonialism. Italian and British powers reinforced racial categories that separated Somalis from other African groups. The more colonizers insisted Somalis were “not like other Africans,” the more some Somali elites embraced this distinction. Colonialism often amplifies preexisting anxieties, and racial hierarchy became a painful legacy that survived long after independence.

In many Somali communities, especially among diaspora youth, the tension around Black identity emerges from confusion rather than malice. Many grow up hearing conflicting narratives: that they are African, but not “Black”; that they are different, but not superior; that they should distance themselves from Blackness, yet they are racially profiled as Black everywhere they go outside Somalia. This creates an identity crisis.

Colorism further complicates the story. Lighter skin is often praised in Somali society, while darker skin may be stigmatized. These views are not unique to Somalis—they appear throughout Africa, the Middle East, and Asia due to global beauty standards shaped by colonialism, slavery, and media. In this system, “beauty” becomes racialized, and some people internalize the idea that proximity to Arab or Eurasian features is more desirable.

Because of these influences, some Somalis adopt an anti-Black worldview even while they themselves are viewed as Black in Western racial structures. This contradiction produces internalized tension and sometimes open prejudice. Yet, at the same time, there are many Somalis who identify proudly as Black, who celebrate African culture, and who reject colorism entirely. Somali societies are not monolithic.

Another significant factor is clan and ethnic hierarchy. Somali culture is deeply clan-oriented, and these hierarchies sometimes extend into attitudes toward neighboring African groups. Historically, pastoral communities often viewed agricultural or hunter-gatherer groups as socially inferior. Over time, these attitudes sometimes merged with racial ideas introduced through Arab societies and colonial rule.

The diaspora experience reshapes Somali identity in new ways. Young Somalis in the West often become more aware of race because they face the same racism as African Americans and other Black people. Many begin to question the old narratives and reject anti-Blackness, choosing instead to embrace broader Black solidarity. Others, however, cling to ideas of distinction as a coping mechanism for racism.

When people ask why some Somalis “think they are beautiful,” the deeper issue is that global beauty standards themselves are warped. Many societies have been conditioned to associate beauty with specific features—lighter skin, looser hair, narrow noses—because these were historically tied to social status and power. In Somali communities, beauty is often associated with a blend of Cushitic, Afro-Arab, and East African phenotypes. This has nothing to do with superiority and everything to do with cultural conditioning.

Moreover, Somali beauty is frequently celebrated within the global modeling and fashion world. This external validation reinforces cultural pride but can also unintentionally deepen colorist tendencies. When beauty becomes linked to specific features rather than the full spectrum of Somali diversity, it fuels exclusion and competition.

The question of “what is going on with them?” cannot be answered with a single explanation. Instead, Somali attitudes toward Blackness are shaped by layers of history—Arab influences, colonial classifications, clan structures, colorism, migration, and modern media. These forces shape self-perception, sometimes in harmful ways, but they are not fixed or universal.

There are many Somalis who actively challenge anti-Blackness, educate their communities, and advocate for unity with the broader African diaspora. Activists, scholars, and artists within Somali communities speak openly about dismantling these internalized biases. They argue that Black identity is not something to avoid, but something to honor and embrace.

At the same time, it is important to recognize that conversations about Somali identity must be nuanced. No ethnic group is uniformly prejudiced or uniformly enlightened. Just as some Somali individuals hold anti-Black beliefs, many others are deeply committed to solidarity, justice, and cross-cultural understanding.

It is also essential to avoid narratives that paint Somalis as uniquely problematic. Anti-Blackness is a global phenomenon—found in Arab countries, Asian countries, Latin America, Europe, and even among some Africans. Somali society reflects this global influence, not an inherent flaw.

Ultimately, the relationship between Somalis and Black identity is a story of internal conflict shaped by external forces. It reflects a broader truth: colonization, racial hierarchy, and colorism have left deep scars across the world. Healing requires honest dialogue, historical literacy, and intentional unlearning.

When Somalis embrace the fullness of their East African heritage, they challenge the myth of separation. When they reject colonial beauty hierarchies, they dismantle the internalized shame that feeds colorism. When they stand in solidarity with other Black communities, they reclaim a shared history of resilience, faith, and cultural pride.

In the end, identity is not just what one inherits—it is also what one chooses. And many Somalis today are choosing a narrative of unity rather than division, truth rather than myth, and empowerment rather than stigma.


References

Abdi, C. M. (2015). Elusive Jannah: The Somali Diaspora and Borderless Muslim Identity. University of Minnesota Press.
Lewis, I. M. (2002). A Modern History of the Somali. James Currey.
Samatar, A. I. (1994). The Somali Challenge: From Catastrophe to Renewal? Lynne Rienner.
Hassan, M. (2017). “Anti-Blackness in the Arab and Horn Regions.” Journal of African Studies, 44(2), 215–231.
Harper, K. (2019). Colorism and the Horn of Africa: Historical Roots and Modern Realities. Routledge.
Ali, N. (2021). “Somali Identity in the Diaspora: Negotiating Blackness, Islam, and Migration.” Diaspora Studies, 14(1), 55–73.